Allan Ellender

Allan Ellender

Allan Ellender wurde am 24. September 1890 in Montegut, Louisiana, geboren. Nach seinem Abschluss an der Tulane University in New Orleans im Jahr 1913 wurde er als Anwalt in Louisiana zugelassen und arbeitete als Rechtsanwalt in Houma.

1915 wurde Ellender zum Bezirksstaatsanwalt der Gemeinde Terrebonne ernannt. Während des Ersten Weltkriegs diente er als Sergeant im Artillery Corps der United States Army (1917-18).

Als Mitglied der Demokratischen Partei diente Ellender im Repräsentantenhaus in Louisiana (1924-36). 1936 wurde er in den Senat gewählt.

Ein starker Gegner des McCarthyismus Ellender war einer der ersten Senatoren, der die Taktik von Joseph McCarthy angriff. Im Senat war Ellender Vorsitzender des Ausschusses für Forderungen und Mitglied des Ausschusses für Land- und Forstwirtschaft.

Ellender blieb im Senat bis zu seinem Tod am 27. Juli 1972 im Beshesda Naval Hospital in Maryland.

Als Ralph Flanders aus Vermont McCarthy angriff, war der Senat so still wie vor einigen Wochen, als Ellender aus Louisiana einen einsamen Angriff ausführte und Fulbright aus Arkansas die einzige Stimme gegen seine Aneignung gab. Nur Lehman aus New York und John Sherman Cooper (R.) aus Kentucky standen auf, um Flandern zu gratulieren. Niemand verteidigte McCarthy, aber niemand stimmte diesen hilfreichen Zwischenrufen zu, die normalerweise eine Rede im Senat kennzeichnen. Als die demokratische Fraktion in geschlossener Sitzung zusammentrat, wurde die Rede von Stevenson ignoriert. Lyndon Johnson aus Texas, der Fraktionsvorsitzende der Demokraten, hat Angst vor McCarthys Hintermännern in Texas.


Senator Allen Ellender von Louisiana: Eine Biografie

Allen J. Ellender, geboren 1890 auf einer Zuckerplantage in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, stieg zu einem der dominantesten Männer im US-Senat auf. Diese Biografie, die auf einer längeren Auseinandersetzung mit den umfangreichen Ellender Papers und umfangreichen Recherchen in anderen Primär- und Sekundärquellen basiert, einschließlich Interviews mit Personen, die Ellender während verschiedener Phasen seiner langen Karriere kannten, leistet einen wichtigen Beitrag zu unserem Verständnis von Louisiana und der nationalen Politik während Großteil dieses Jahrhunderts.

Ellender begann sein Leben in einer Bauernfamilie und verlor nie seine engen Verbindungen zum ländlichen Louisiana. Dennoch strebte er eine Karriere als Anwalt an und diente als Stadt- und Bezirksstaatsanwalt, bevor er 1924 in die gesetzgebende Körperschaft des Staates Louisiana gewählt wurde. Ursprünglich ein Gegner von Huey Long, konvertierte Ellender zum Longismus, nachdem Huey 1928 zum Gouverneur gewählt wurde weigerte sich, fragwürdige Öl-Leasing-Praktiken auf Staatsland zu dulden, wurde er in den dreißiger Jahren als Longs politischer Erbe des Staates umgangen. Stattdessen wurde er in den US-Senat gewählt, dem er bis zu seinem Tod 1972 diente.

In Senator Allen Ellender von Louisiana, Thomas A. Becnel zeichnet methodisch die lange Karriere dieses widersprüchlichen Politikers nach – ein Mann, der, obwohl im Wesentlichen konservativ, in vielen Fragen überraschend liberal war. Er unterstützte fortschrittliche Gesetze in Bereichen wie Bildung, Sozialwohnungen, Zensur und Trennung von Kirche und Staat. Er war auch einer der ersten Senatoren, der seinen Kollegen Joseph McCarthy kritisierte. Dennoch blieb er während seiner gesamten Karriere ein überzeugter Verfechter der Rassentrennung.

Während Ellenders langer Amtszeit im Senat, in der er unter den Präsidenten Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson und Nixon tätig war, durch die Weltwirtschaftskrise, den Zweiten Weltkrieg, den Kalten Krieg, den McCarthyismus, den Koreakonflikt, die Bürgerrechtsbewegung , und dem Vietnamkrieg war er eng in Entscheidungen und Debatten eingebunden, die die jüngere Geschichte des Landes geprägt haben. Becnel stellt Ellender scharfsinnig in den Kontext seiner Zeitgeschichte und des sozialen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Milieus seines Staates. Das Ergebnis ist ein sorgfältiges, ausgewogenes Porträt eines der einflussreichsten Gesetzgeber dieses Jahrhunderts.


Was der Staat des amerikanischen Südens vor einem halben Jahrhundert über die Zukunft des ganzen Landes enthüllte

In den 50er und 60er Jahren erschienen in New York ansässige Publikationen wie TIME, Nachrichtenwoche oder Harper&rsquos regelmäßig dem Süden gewidmete Sonderhefte oder Sonderhefte regelmäßiger Hefte. Sie alle konzentrierten sich auf die eine oder andere Weise darauf, den Fortschritt der Region bei der Überwindung der Barrieren von Rassismus, Armut und Bildungsrückstand zu bewerten, die sie weiterhin vom Rest des Landes trennten, und meinten damit effektiv die nördlichen Staaten, die lange Zeit als Verkörperung gedient hatten der amerikanischen Ideale von Tugend, Aufklärung und Wohlstand.

Dies war keine zufällige Praxis. Schließlich steckte Amerika mitten in einer Bürgerrechtsbewegung, deren Hauptziel zu diesem Zeitpunkt darin bestand, das institutionalisierte Jim-Crow-System zu stürzen, das den Süden noch immer auszeichnete. Doch schon Mitte der 1960er Jahre regten sich Kräfte, die bald die Wahrnehmung eines südlichen Rassismusmonopols erschüttern und ernsthafte Zweifel an der Überlegenheit der nördlichen Tugend aufkommen lassen sollten. Ungewollt hätte die Südorientierung der Redakteure in den 1960er Jahren auch einem anderen Zweck dienen können, denn rückblickend boten die Entwicklungen damals einen Blick in eine Zukunft, die von dramatischen und unvorhergesehenen Veränderungen geprägt war, nicht nur für den Süden, sondern für die Nation als ganz.

Da der Civil Rights Act von 1964, der am 2. Juli verabschiedet und zügig unterzeichnet wurde, einen wahrhaft &ldquohistorischen Wendepunkt in den Beziehungen zwischen den Rassen in den USA&rdquo markierte, widmeten die Redakteure von TIME einen Teil des 17. Juli 1964, Ausgabe zur Bewertung der Reaktion des Südens auf das Gesetz in der ersten Woche, in der es in Kraft war. Obwohl es zehn Jahre her ist, dass der Oberste Gerichtshof erklärt hat, de jure Segregation in den öffentlichen Schulen verfassungswidrig, weniger als jeder zehnte schwarze Schüler in den Staaten, in denen das duale Schulsystem angeblich verboten war, besuchte tatsächlich rassenintegrierte Schulen. Mit seinem umfassenden Verbot der Rassendiskriminierung in öffentlichen Unterkünften wie Restaurants und Hotels versprach der Civil Rights Act nun über Nacht mehr Integration, als der Gerichtsbeschluss in einem Jahrzehnt erreicht hatte.

Trotz Warnungen, dass eine solche zwingende bundesstaatliche Maßnahme einen „rassenkrieg&rdquo im Süden auslösen könnte, schien dies zur deutlichen Erleichterung der TIME&rsquo-Redakteure eine Woche später nicht in Sicht. Im ganzen Süden wurden Schwarze und Weiße ohne Zwischenfälle in Zitadellen der Segregation wie Birmingham, Memphis und Jackson zusammen gegessen und untergebracht, und in Greenville, SC, saß ein junger Schwarzer im selben Hotelspeisesaal wie Senator J. Strom Thurmond, der Chef-Filibusterer gegen das Civil Rights Act.

Es war alles hübsch, allerdings wurden in Bessemer, Alabama, sechs schwarze Imbissbudenkunden von Weißen mit Baseballschlägern geschlagen. Noch unheilvoller tötete im ländlichen Nordgeorgien eine Schrotflinte aus einem vorbeifahrenden Auto den schwarzen Pädagogen und Armee-Reserveoffizier Lemuel Penn. Dennoch waren die Redakteure von TIME insgesamt der Meinung, dass "die anfängliche Einhaltung des neuen Bürgerrechtsgesetzes durch den Süden in jeder Hinsicht ermutigend war". Jede weitere Opposition aus dem Süden gegen das Civil Rights Act muss „das gesetzlich vorgeschriebene geordnete Verfahren&ldquo als &ldquo eine Erklärung von erstaunlicher Vernünftigkeit&rdquo respektieren und Grund zur Hoffnung geben, daß künftiger Widerstand zumindest mit legalen und nicht extralegalen Mitteln verfolgt werden könnte.

Die allgemein friedliche Zustimmung der Weißen zum Bürgerrechtsgesetz deutete darauf hin, dass selbst wenn die Gefühle der Südstaaten gegenüber ihren schwarzen Nachbarn undurchdringlich waren, ihr offenes Verhalten dies nicht war. Ermutigend war auch die Bereitschaft schwarzer Südstaatler, vorzutreten, um die tatsächliche Durchführbarkeit des neuen Statuts zu testen, wenn auch kaum mehr als ihr Mut und ihre Entschlossenheit, auf die damals laufenden Bemühungen um die Registrierung von Freedom Summer-Wählern zu reagieren.

Das Titelblatt dieser Ausgabe von TIME trug eine Skizze von William Faulkner, und die Titelgeschichte befasste sich mit Faulkners Schriften für eine „eine tiefere Analyse der Traditionen, Emotionen und psychologischen Faktoren", die gleichzeitig die Wurzel des Rassenproblems waren im Süden und der Schlüssel zu seiner Lösung. Wenn es darum ging, die Beziehungen zwischen den südlichen Rassen zu verbessern, schien Faulkner auf den ersten Blick eine unwahrscheinliche Quelle der Ermutigung zu sein des weißen Rassenhasses in Romanen wie Licht im August kaum optimistisch gestimmt. Doch seine Fiktion bot auch Charaktere wie Isaac McCaslin in Geh runter, Mose, die von Schuldgefühlen verfolgt wurde und verzweifelt darum kämpfte, den persönlichen Mut zu finden, die rassistischen Rituale und Dogmen des weißen Südens abzulehnen. Insofern setzte Faulkner auch große Hoffnungen in eine jüngere Generation weißer Südländer wie Chick Mallison in Eindringling im Staub, der schon früh eine gesunde Skepsis gegenüber solchen ungesunden Praktiken entwickelt hatte. Faulkner sah die ultimative rassische Rettung des Südens nicht aus rechtlichem Zwang, sondern aus Veränderungen in der Denkweise der Weißen der Region Grund zur Hoffnung, dass der Sinneswandel, für den er so hart gearbeitet hatte, endlich im Gange sein könnte.


ALLEN J. ELLENDER VON LOUISIANA DIES

Senator Allen J. Ellender aus Louisiana, Vorsitzender des Bewilligungsausschusses und Präsident pro tempore des Senats, starb letzte Nacht an einem Herzinfarkt im Bethesda Naval Hospital in Maryland. Er war 81 Jahre alt.

Der Demokrat aus Louisiana, der aus der Huey-Long-Maschine der 1930er Jahre hervorgegangen war, um an dritter Stelle der Präsidentschaft zu werden, war betroffen, als er aus seinem Heimatstaat zurückkehrte, wo er sich für seine siebte Amtszeit im Senat eingesetzt hatte .

Ein Adjutant sagte, der Senator – der 35 Jahre lang im Senat gedient hatte, länger als jedes andere gegenwärtige Mitglied – habe sich auf dem Rückflug aus Louisiana über Bauchschmerzen beklagt. Nach seiner Ankunft in Washington wurde er nach Bethesda gebracht. wo er um 19:15 Uhr an Herzstillstand starb.

Präsident Nixon gab eine Erklärung ab, in der er seine Trauer zum Ausdruck brachte: „Senator Ellender war gut Freund, ein feiner Senator und großartiger Amerikaner. Während seiner 35-jährigen Tätigkeit im Senat hat er die Gesetzgebungsgeschichte dieses Jahrhunderts tief geprägt und sich als Repräsentant nicht nur Louisianas, sondern der Nation erwiesen, entschlossen, das zu tun, was er für richtig hielt Amerika."

Gouverneur Edwin W. Edwards von Louisiana sagte, er werde wahrscheinlich einen vorübergehenden Nachfolger ernennen, der bis nach den Wahlen im November im Amt sein soll.

Dann, so sagte der Gouverneur, werde er den Gewinner dieser Wahl ernennen, um die noch nicht abgelaufene Amtszeit von Senatorin Ellen der zu füllen, die am nächsten 3. Januar enden soll. Somit hätte die neue Senatorin einen Dienstaltersvorteil von einigen Wochen gegenüber anderen Neulingen, die im November gewählt wurden .

Nach der Wahl wird voraussichtlich der ehemalige Senator des Bundesstaates J. Bennett Johnston ernannt, der einzige große Gegner von Senator Ellender in der diesjährigen Vorwahl der Demokraten, die am 19. August abgehalten wird.

Der Nachfolger von Senator Ellender wird den Sitz eines scharfsinnigen Dixie-Demokraten einnehmen, der den Konservatismus des Südens mit einigen liberalen Einstellungen vermischte, die für Senatoren, die allgemein als Liberale bekannt sind, oft überraschend kamen.

Bei den Bürgerrechten zum Beispiel stimmte Senator Ellender mit dem Südblock auf der ganzen Linie gegen Gesetze zur Aufhebung der Rassentrennung und seine Äußerungen, die die Fähigkeiten der Schwarzen anzweifelten – in den Vereinigten Staaten und Afrika lösten Stürme der Kontroversen aus.

In außenpolitischen Fragen hingegen wurde Senator Ellender in den letzten Jahren zum Verfechter engerer Beziehungen zur Sowjetunion und Kritiker der Verteidigungsausgaben.

Senator George McGovern aus South Dakota, der Präsidentschaftskandidat der Demokraten, erinnert sich an die Geschichte, wie er und Senator eines Tages vor einigen Jahren zusammenkamen. Ellender war für eine Massage im Fitnessstudio des Senats, und der Gesetzgeber aus Louisiana beugte sich von seinem Tisch herüber und sagte:

„George, wenn ich sterbe, möchte ich, dass du meine Mission aufnimmst, den Senat und das Land davon zu überzeugen, dass die Russen keine Oger sind, die uns vernichten wollen und dass wir bessere Beziehungen zur Sowjetunion anstreben sollten.“

Senator Ellender war für seine Auslandsreisen weithin bekannt, und während seine liberalen Kollegen seine Eindrücke von der Sowjetunion schätzten, bissen sie vor Wut und Frustration die Zähne zusammen über die Eindrücke, die der Senator aus Afrika mitbrachte.

Als er 1962 das Grab von Salis in Südrhodesien besuchte, sagte er, er bezweifle, dass Afrikaner die Fähigkeit hätten, sich selbst zu regieren. Das Ergebnis war, dass Uganda und Tanganjika ihm sagten, er sei in diesen Ländern nicht willkommen, und die Kennedy-Administration war mehr als nur wenig verärgert.

1957, nach einer weiteren Auslandsreise von 28 Nationen, veröffentlichte Senator El lender einen der langen Berichte über seine Junkets, für die er bekannt war. In diesem Bericht griff er das gesamte Konzept der Auslandshilfe an und behauptete, dass groß angelegte Wirtschaftshilfe überall, wo sie versucht worden sei, „ein katastrophaler Fehlschlag“ gewesen sei.

Ein ehemaliger Vorsitzender des Landwirtschaftsausschusses des Senats, Senator Ellender – ein wohlhabender Mann, der selbst erfolgreich als Kartoffelbauer war – bemühte sich im Allgemeinen, sicherzustellen, dass die landwirtschaftlichen Interessen des Südens gut geschützt wurden.

Herr Ellender trat Anfang letzten Jahres die Nachfolge des verstorbenen Richard B. Russell aus Georgia als Präsident des Senats an. In dieser Position war er hinter dem Vizepräsidenten und dem Sprecher des Repräsentantenhauses an dritter Stelle in der Nachfolge der Präsidentschaft.

Dies war weit entfernt von den Bayous von Louisana, wo Herr Ellender am 24. September 1890 im Weiler Montegut geboren wurde.

Nach seinem Abschluss am St. Aloysius College in New Orleans und einem Abschluss in Rechtswissenschaften an der Tulane University begann er seine öffentliche Karriere mit Anfang 20 als Stadtanwalt von Houma. Er wurde 1924 Mitglied des Repräsentantenhauses des Staates und vier Jahre später, während der Amtszeit von Gouverneur Huey P. Long, Vorsitzender des Repräsentantenhauses.

Er wurde ein zentraler Teil der Long-Maschine und ein enger Verbündeter ihres berühmten Führers und war Sprecher des State House, als Long 1935, damals Senator der Vereinigten Staaten, ermordet wurde.

Der winzige Mr. Ellender trat als Nachfolger von Mr. Long hervor, gewann 1936 die Wahl zum US-Senat und wurde danach alle sechs Jahre wiedergewählt.

Senator Ellender heiratete 1917 die ehemalige Helen Calhoun Donnelly, und sie hatten einen Sohn, Allen Joseph Jr., einen Chirurgen in Houma, dessen Frau 1949 starb.

Mr. Ellender, dessen beißende Worte in der Hitze des politischen Gefechts von einem anmutigen Südstaaten-Charme in entspannter Umgebung begleitet wurden, war in Washington weithin als Koch berühmter Gerichte aus Louisiana wie Shrimp Jambalaya bekannt.

Unter denen, die auf seinen Gumbo-Partys seine kreolische Küche probierten, waren der ehemalige Präsident Lyndon B. Johnson und Mrs. Richard M. Nixon.


Internationale Politik gegenüber Russland

Transkripte aus einem mündlichen Geschichtsinterview mit Allen J. Ellender am 29. August 1967 in der John-F.-Kennedy-Bibliothek stattfand, enthüllen, dass er mit John Fitzgerald Kennedy ausführlich über einen freundlicheren außenpolitischen Umgang mit Russland gesprochen hat. [2]

"Bei jeder Tournee, die ich nach seiner Amtszeit als Präsident gemacht habe, wurde ich aufgefordert, dorthin zu gehen und mit ihm über Dinge zu diskutieren, insbesondere bei meinem letzten Besuch in Russland. Ich habe zu verschiedenen Zeiten viel Zeit mit dem Präsidenten verbracht und" mit ihm viel über Russland gesprochen, und ich freue mich sagen zu können, dass wir viele Probleme der Nation in Bezug auf Russland damals auf Augenhöhe sahen.Die Vorgänger von Präsident Kennedy waren der Meinung, dass der beste Weg, mit Russland umzugehen, war diesen Ring aus Stahl um sie herum zu bauen und zu versuchen, sie zu isolieren. Es wurden keine Anstrengungen unternommen, um die Menschen in Amerika mit den Menschen in Russland bekannt zu machen und umgekehrt. Ich hatte das Gefühl, anstatt Milliarden von Dollar für den Bau von Armeen und Befestigungen auszugeben überall in der Peripherie Russlands, wenn wir ein wenig Geld für Austauschprogramme mit den Russen ausgeben würden, damit mehr Russen hierher kommen und uns besuchen könnten und dass mehr Amerikaner nach Russland gehen könnten, würden wir wahrscheinlich einen besseren Job machen. Ich sagte ihm das in Meiner Meinung nach war es Zeitverschwendung, Angelegenheiten mit der Führung in Russland zu besprechen, aber es wäre vielleicht keine schlechte Idee, mit ihnen zu sprechen und sich ihre Gedanken zu machen. Aber der beste Weg wäre, ein realistisches Austauschprogramm zu bekommen, bei dem viele Russen hierher kommen, um zu sehen, was wir haben, und sie mehr oder weniger neidisch auf unsere Lebensweise zu machen, um ihnen zu vermitteln, obwohl wir zugeben, dass sie unter dem Kommunismus vielleicht mehr bekommen als unter den Zaren, aber es bestand die Möglichkeit, dass sie mehr bekommen würden, wenn sie unserer Lebensweise oder einem Teil davon folgen könnten, anstatt unter dem Kommunismus zu sein, wo sie konnten 'kein Eigentum, wo alles Regierung war und all das. Ich sagte, wenn wir so vorgehen würden…. Und ich freue mich, sagen zu können, dass der Präsident von meinen Ansichten sehr beeindruckt war, so sehr, dass ich den Bericht mitgenommen habe, den ich auf meiner Tournee gemacht habe, ich glaube, es war '61, über Russland. "

„Nun, in Verbindung mit all dem habe ich ihm das erzählt. Ich sagte…. Ich habe ihn immer Jack genannt, weißt du, ich war alt genug, um fast sein Großvater zu sein Es wäre keine schlechte Idee, mit diesen Führern zu sprechen, insbesondere mit Chruschtschow [Nikita Sergejewitsch Chruschtschow]. Ich habe einmal im Kreml über vier Stunden mit Chruschtschow gesprochen. Als ich zum ersten Mal mit diesem Mann sprach, dachte ich, er sei nur ein gewöhnlicher Clown, ein Clown, und an ihm sei nichts. Aber nachdem ich fünf Minuten mit ihm gesprochen hatte, fand ich bald heraus, dass er ein Rohdiamant war, und ich fand bald heraus, dass er einer der wenigen Führer in Russland ist, die auf den Willen des Volkes reagierten. Ich glaube, er wäre ein guter Kontakt für Sie." Später tat er genau das. Er traf ihn in Wien, und ich sprach später mit ihm, und er sagte, dass er mit mir über den Mann stimme, dass er war ausgelassen und dies und das, aber im Grunde dachte er, Chruschtschow sei nicht so schlimm wie Stalin [Joseph Stalin] – ich meine die Vorgänger Chruschtschows – und dass er ansprechbar war und versuchte, auf den Willen des Volkes zu reagieren Und wie ich in meinem Bericht von 1961 feststellte, fand ich in Russland große Veränderungen im Vergleich zu dem, was ich 1955 sah, als ich das erste Mal dort war Ich bin zuerst dorthin gefahren, alles wurde von Moskau aus geleitet. Soweit ich mich erinnere, gab es dort sechzig Büros, die die gesamte Produktion und den Vertrieb von allem, was in Russland produziert und vertrieben wurde, abwickelten. Ich erzählte ihm von den Veränderungen, die vor sich gingen und was unsere das Land tun sollte, war dies eher zu ermutigen als zu entmutigen T. Ich erzählte ihm von dieser Geschichte, dass wir in unserem Austauschprogramm zwischen 45 und 60 Millionen Dollar pro Jahr ausgegeben haben, um zu versuchen, ein Austauschprogramm zwischen uns und den verschiedenen Ländern der Welt zu bekommen. Ich sagte zu meiner Überraschung und nannte das besondere Jahr, ich erinnere mich nicht an das besondere Jahr, aber ich glaube, es war '61 oder '62, nun, als wir fast fünfzig Millionen Dollar und nur vierhundert angeeignet haben und 27.000 wurden für Länder hinter dem Eisernen Vorhang ausgegeben. Ich sagte: "Wir verpassen das Boot. Ich glaube, dass mehr von diesem Geld ausgegeben werden sollte, damit die Russen wissen, was wir haben, und die Amerikaner wissen, was die Russen haben und tun." Er stimmte mir zu, nicht, dass er es zu sehr ändern konnte, aber er ging in diese Richtung. Ich glaube wirklich und wahrhaftig, dass, wenn er gelebt hätte, die Betonung auf einen realistischeren Austausch mit dem russischen Volk gelegt worden wäre, um zu versuchen, es zu ändern, anstatt direkt mit seinen Führern. Mit anderen Worten, meine Idee war, dass, wenn wir dem russischen Volk einprägen könnten, dass es eine bessere Lebensweise gibt, als sie es jetzt genießen, sie dies wiederum von ihren Führern tun lassen könnten. Siehst du den Punkt? Und damit war er einverstanden, dachte ich.

Interviewer: In Ihren Gesprächen mit ihm über Russland, wie ich über Sie erfahren habe, hatten Sie Kontakte zu anderen Menschen als Chruschtschow. Sie waren mit einer Reihe von russischen Führern bekannt. ELLENDER: Das ganze Politbüro damals. Interviewer: Wie gut wusste Kennedy über diese anderen Persönlichkeiten? Wusste er viel über sie? Interviewer: Nein, nicht persönlich, außer was er gelesen hat. Meine Kontakte waren persönlich, verstehst du nicht. Ich habe mit Malenkov [George M. Malenkov] gesprochen, mit all diesen Leuten da draußen. Tatsächlich, Kaganovich [Lazar M. Kaganovich], einer der damaligen Leiter des Politbüros, und Mikojan [Anastas I. Mikojan] und all diese Leute – ich habe das alles mit ihm besprochen. Und er war sehr beeindruckt, darf ich sagen. Ich bin mir sicher, dass er, wie gesagt, meine Ansichten zu meinen drei Reisen in Russland gelesen hat, weil ich sie ihm zur Verfügung gestellt habe. Soweit ich mich erinnere, habe ich ihm sogar einen der Berichte zur Verfügung gestellt, die ich nicht gedruckt hatte, weil in diesem Bericht zu viele vertrauliche und geheime Dinge enthalten waren, die ich nicht für angebracht hielt, um sie zu veröffentlichen. Ich habe das Gefühl, ich habe vielleicht Vorurteile, wenn ich dies sage, aber ich habe das Gefühl, dass der verstorbene Präsident sehr beeindruckt war von den Schlussfolgerungen, die ich in vielen dieser Programme erreicht habe. Ich glaube, hätte ich näher bei ihm sein und mit ihm reden können, wäre er nicht von vielen anderen Menschen übernommen worden, die sich anders fühlten als ich, denn das passiert heute mit meinem guten Freund, Lyndon Johnson. Ich glaube, er wurde vom Militär übernommen, und er hört ihnen mehr zu als jedem anderen, und er ist jetzt so tief in Südvietnam verwickelt, dass es keinen Ausweg mehr gibt. Natürlich wäre ich der letzte Mann auf Erden, der ihm raten würde, sich zurückzuziehen, weil wir jetzt zu sehr involviert sind und so viele Versprechungen gemacht haben, dass wir uns nur auf ehrenhafte Weise befreien können.


Vor seiner Amtszeit im Senat war er von 1924 bis 1936 Mitglied des Repräsentantenhauses von Louisiana von Terrebonne Parish. Von 1932 bis 1936 war er Sprecher des Repräsentantenhauses.

Nach der Ermordung von Senator Huey Pierce Long wurde seine Frau Rose McConnell Long auf den Sitz berufen, um die Vakanz zu besetzen. Sie lehnte es ab, für eine volle Amtszeit zu kandidieren, und Ellender gewann die Wahl 1936, um ihr nachzufolgen. [2] [3]

Im Senat der Vereinigten Staaten war er für seine Unterstützung der Schultrennung durch die Unterzeichnung des Südlichen Manifests im Jahr 1956 bekannt. [4] Ellender, ein New Dealer [5] war einer von nur zwanzig Demokraten, die gegen die Tötung von Roosevelts Gerichtsverpackungsplan von 1937 stimmten. [6] Ellender war auch ein Befürworter von Agrarsubventionen und des Schulessenprogramms, und er lehnte die Ermittlungen über die kommunistische Infiltration der US-Regierung vor 1954 von seinem Kollegen Joseph McCarthy ab und stimmte für die Zensur des Republikaners aus Wisconsin. [7] Obwohl Ellender später den Vietnamkrieg ablehnte, stimmte er für die Golf-of-Tonkin-Resolution von 1964. [8] Während seiner Amtszeit im Senat war er Vorsitzender des Landwirtschaftsausschusses und dann des Haushaltsausschusses. Während er im Vergleich zu seinen Parteikollegen als relativ konservativer Demokrat galt, bekleidete er einige liberale Positionen, wie beispielsweise die entschlossene Unterstützung von Sozialprogrammen, die von Präsident Lyndon B. Johnson verfochten wurden. [9] [10] Ellender galt darüber hinaus als "Fortschritt" wenn es um Zensur, Bildung, Sozialwohnungen und die Trennung von Kirche und Staat ging. [11]

Ellender lehnte Anti-Lynching-Maßnahmen ab und stimmte Ende Juni 1937 zusammen mit der Mehrheit der Senatsdemokraten zweimal dafür, solche Reiterzusätze zu töten. [12] [13]

Nach den Senatswahlen 1946 in Mississippi, bei denen der segregationistische Demagoge Theodore Bilbo Schwarze einschüchterte und bedrohte, von denen die meisten damals keine Wähler waren, versuchten die Republikaner im Senat, die im Wahlzyklus gerade eine knappe Mehrheit erreicht hatten, ihn daran zu hindern, einen Sitz zu bekommen. [14] Anfänglich reiste ein fünfköpfiger Senatsausschuss, bestehend aus einer 3-2 demokratischen Mehrheit, der von Ellender angeführt wurde, nach Missisippi, um zu untersuchen. [15] Trotz Zeugenaussagen von Schwarzen, die von den weißen Rassisten von Jim Crow bedroht und bösartig angegriffen wurden, verteidigte Ellender die rassistische Unterdrückung der Wähler mit dem Argument, dass sie durch "Tradition und Brauch" verursacht wurden und nicht durch Bilbos Aufstachelung zur Gewalt, für die das Komitee gemäß den Parteilinien stimmte Klar Bilbo die beiden Republikaner, Bourke Hickenlooper und Styles Bridges, widersprachen dem Urteil. [15] Die neue republikanische Mehrheit im 80. Kongress weigerte sich jedoch, Bilbo zu setzen. Ellenders Senatskollege John H. Overton aus Louisiana versuchte, dies zu umgehen, indem er Resolutionen einführte, die es dem Demagogen von Mississippi erlaubten, während der Ermittlungen zu sitzen, da es dann einer Zweidrittelmehrheit bedarf, um ihn aus dem Kongress zu entfernen. [15] Beide wurden von überparteilichen Mehrheiten eingebracht. [16] [17] Der segregationistische Gouverneur von Mississippi, Fielding L. Wright, kündigte dann an, dass, wenn der Senat sich weigerte, Bilbo zu setzen, er Letzteren als Ersatz benennen würde. [15] Letztendlich kehrte Bilbo, der nach Jahrzehnten der Anstiftung zur Gewalt und der Förderung von Bigotterie an Mundkrebs litt, aus gesundheitlichen Gründen nie wieder in den Senat zurück und starb im August 1947. Ellender lobte das Erbe des Demagogen aus Mississippi als "als Märtyrer gestorben" zu südlichen Traditionen." [fünfzehn]

Als 1948 andere Süddemokraten zum Präsidentschaftswahlkampf von Strom Thurmond überliefen, blieb Ellender Harry S. Truman treu. Obwohl Thurmond der offizielle Kandidat der Demokraten in Louisiana war, wurde Trumans Name auch von einer Sondersitzung der gesetzgebenden Körperschaft des Bundesstaates auf den Stimmzettel gesetzt.

1960 befragte Ellender etwa 80 Prozent der bei den Parlamentswahlen abgegebenen Stimmen gegen den Republikaner George Reese aus New Orleans. [18] 1966 überwältigte er zwei Demokraten, Joseph Davis "J. D." DeBlieu (1912–2005) links und Troyce Guice rechts. [19]

Ellender war von 1937 bis zu seinem Tod im Sommer 1972 im Oberhaus des Kongresses tätig. [20] Zu dieser Zeit kandidierte er für eine weitere Amtszeit im Senat. Ellender wurde von der Interimssenatorin Elaine Edwards, der ersten Frau des damaligen Gouverneurs Edwin Edwards, abgelöst. Sein ständiger Nachfolger war 1972 sein wichtigster Hauptrivale, der ehemalige Senator des Staates Shreveport, J. Bennett Johnston Jr., der bis zu seiner Pensionierung im Januar 1997 den US-Senat innehatte. Johnston war auch Edwin Edwards' Rivale für die Demokraten von 1971 gewesen Ernennung zum Gouverneur.

Während seiner letzten zwei Amtsjahre war Ellender Dekan des US-Senats. Sein langjähriger Senatskollege war der Demokrat Russell Long aus Louisiana, der ältere Sohn von Huey Long.


Ellender war von 1913 bis 1915 Bezirksstaatsanwalt von Houma und von 1915 bis 1916 Bezirksstaatsanwalt der Gemeinde Terrebonne. Während des Ersten Weltkriegs diente er von 1917 bis 1918 als Sergeant im Artilleriekorps der US-Armee.

Ellender nahm 1921 als Delegierter an der Verfassungsversammlung von Louisiana teil. Die dort vom Komitee verabschiedete Verfassung wurde 1974, zwei Jahre nach Ellenders Tod, zurückgezogen. 1924 wurde er als Abgeordneter im Repräsentantenhaus von Louisiana gewählt und bekleidete dieses Amt bis 1936. In dieser Zeit war er von 1928 bis 1932 Fraktionsführer und anschließend von 1932 bis 1936 Sprecher des Repräsentantenhauses, als er in den US-Senat gewählt wurde.

Er nahm den bis dahin von Long besetzten Sitz ein, der eigentlich für den demokratischen Kandidaten Oscar K. Allen aus Winnfield bestimmt war. Allen starb, nachdem er mit einer Mehrheit von 200.000 Stimmen die Nominierung der Demokraten gewonnen hatte. Sein Tod ebnete den Weg für Ellenders Wahl.

Während seiner Amtszeit im US-Senat war Ellender von 1951 bis 1953 und von 1955 bis 1971 Vorsitzender des Landwirtschaftsausschusses des Senats. Während dieser Zeit war er ein starker Verfechter der staatlichen Zuckerrohrbetriebe. Darüber hinaus unterzeichnete er wie fast alle Senatoren aus den Südstaaten 1956 das sogenannte „Südliche Manifest“, das ein Gerichtsurteil in Bezug auf die Rassengleichheit verurteilte. Von 1971 bis zu seinem Tod war er auch Vorsitzender des Senatsbewilligungsausschusses. 1971 und 1972 bekleidete er aber auch das Amt des Präsidenten pro tempore des Senats.

Ellender sprach sich zusammen mit dem liberalen Republikaner Ralph Flanders aus Vermont gegen den McCarthyismus aus und griff die Ermittlungsmethoden des republikanischen Senators Joseph McCarthy aus Wisconsin gegen den Kommunismus an.


Interview mit Allen Ellender, 30. April 1971

Teiltranskript: Es ist der 30.04.1971.

Schlüsselwörter: Bürgerrechtssenat Bewilligungsausschuss Senator Thomas Connally Southern Caucus Unterausschuss Landwirtschaft Unterausschuss Verteidigung Naturschutz Verfassungsrechte Filibuster parlamentarisches Recht staatliche Rechte

Teiltranskript: Senator Ellender, das war eine sehr gute Eröffnungsrede Ihrerseits.

Schlüsselwörter: Bürgerrechtssenator Alden Barkley Senator Theodore Bilbo Senator Thomas Connally Southern Caucus Südblock-Umfrage besteuert die Rechte der Wählerqualifikationen der Staaten

Teiltranskript: Das war eine beachtliche Leistung, Senator.

Schlüsselwörter: Bürgerrechte John McClellan John Stennis Lister Hill Senatsappell Southern Caucus Southern Block Cloture Filibuster Teams Quorum

Teiltranskript: Achtunddreißig Jahre sind eine lange Zeit, um im Senat zu bleiben, wie es Senator Russell tat.

Schlüsselwörter: Civil Rights Act von 1964 Senator Milton Young Oberster Gerichtshof des Südblocks US-Verfassung Filibuster parlamentarische Verfahren Stimmrechte der Staaten

Teiltranskript: Senator, ich weiß, dass Sie mit Ihren Aktivitäten siebenmal um die Welt geflogen sind und Sie alle Länder außer Albanien besucht haben.

Schlüsselwörter: Afrika Ebos Fulanis George Marshall Marshall Plan Nigeria WW2 WWII 2. Weltkrieg 2. Weltkrieg Auslandshilfe

Teiltranskript: Senator Ellender, Sie sprechen über Afrika und die Fähigkeiten der Schwarzen, das erinnert mich an etwas, und ich weiß, dass wir nur sehr wenig Zeit haben.

Schlüsselwörter: Kolonialismus Imperialismus Liberia Senator George Aiken Südblock

Teiltranskript: Senator, ich weiß, dass ich Ihnen viele Fragen stellen könnte.

Schlüsselwörter: Haushaltsentwurf Präsident pro tempore des Senats-Bewilligungsausschusses

Richard B. Russell, Jr. Oral History Project

Senator Allen Ellender im Interview mit Hugh Cates

CATES: Es ist der 30. April 1971. Das ist Hugh Cates, und ich bin im Büro des US-Senators Allen J. Ellender aus Louisiana. Senator Ellender ist Demokrat. Senator Ellender ist der Präsident pro tempore des Senats und folgt dem verstorbenen Senator Richard Brevard Russell. Als Nachfolger des verstorbenen Senators Russell ist er auch Vorsitzender des Appropriations Committee.

Ich bin hier, um mit Senator Ellender über seine persönlichen Erinnerungen und seine langjährige Verbindung zu Senator Russell zu sprechen. Senator Ellender, würde es Ihnen etwas ausmachen, sich zunächst an alles zu erinnern, was Ihnen über Ihre Zusammenarbeit mit Senator Russell in den Sinn kommt?

ELLENDER: Well, I wish to say that Dick Russell was here when I took my oath of office on January 3, 1937. As a matter of fact, he preceded me to the Senate by 00:01:00about four years. Our relationship was very close from there until his death. We served on the Appropriations Committee for quite some time, although that committee is very unglamorous, and we don't have we didn't have too many meetings of the committee. I had quite a close contact with Dick Russell in our fight to retain constitutional rights in the South. The late Senator (Thomas Terry) Connally from Texas was the chairman of our delegation -that is, the Southern caucus, I may say when I came here, and after his death the caucus 00:02:00elected Senator Russell by unanimous consent. Senator Russell was a great leader he was a he had no peer when it came to parliamentary law, he knew it well he was a great historian and a man with a good memory. I remember many instances in which we fought the civil rights battles together, and I remember an incident several years ago when he prevented me from attaining the longest speech on filibuster record. See, I held the (Senate) floor I had the floor for 00:03:00about fourteen hours without stopping and Dick, our general, came to me and said to me, said, "Allen," he said, "we have concluded an agreement with the leadership on the pending question." And he said, "I would suggest that you stop talking." And I didn't like the command of our general, but after talking another fifteen minutes, he returned to me, and like a good soldier, I obeyed the command of my general. But in any event, I held the floor for over fourteen hours and he was very much elated at that. My chief contacts with Dick Russell, 00:04:00of course, were in respect to civil rights, and we studied the problem together we studied methods of how best to cope with the situation, and he was always on top of the subject. Now, during my tenure here, I discussed various phases of our civil rights program, particularly the historical phase of it, and we compared notes and at times I was successful in producing some evidence on the subject that he didn't have, and because of that, I believe, we became very 00:05:00close in the matter and consulted each other frequently. I must say that Senator Russell was a gentleman in every respect, that he was, I presume, in fact I know, one of the most highly thought of senators who ever sat in the Senate. Whenever he talked everybody listened he didn't talk very long or very frequently, but whenever he spoke, he spoke on the subject and he stuck to the subject something that's very rare at times in the Senate particularly during a filibuster. Now, I was proud of the fact that when Senator Russell was sworn in 00:06:00as President pro tempore of the Senate and then became chairman of the committee of Appropriations because of his illness he was unable to attend to all of his duties, and I thought it a privilege to sit in his stead at many hearings that were conducted on the Appropriations Committee. Now, as I recall, Senator Russell created history on the Appropriations Committee in that he came as one of the youngest senators. It is my recollection that he was a member of that 00:07:00committee from the time he came to Washington, which is very unusual, and no man in the Senate ever sat longer on the Appropriations Committee than Senator Russell. That, of course, is the shall we say proper committee of the Senate, one of the most powerful, one that entails more work on any senator, and Senator Russell, of course, was a very able member of the committee not only as its chairman, but as chairman of the subcommittee on defense as well as the chairman of the subcommittee on agriculture. Senator Russell was deeply interested in 00:08:00agriculture, and in that connection, I when I first came here, I was indeed proud and glad and privileged to join him to cosponsor the school lunch bill which is now the law. That bill was enacted back in 1946, as I recall, and Senator Russell was, of course, a member of the agriculture committee for some time, but not at the time that we enacted the school lunch bill. He took an active part in providing the necessary funds for the development of agriculture. 00:09:00He was a great conservationist and he believed, as I did, that the two most important resources that any country has is land and water, and he and I worked as handmaidens in seeing to it that sufficient funds were provided by the Congress for the development of our land and water resources. Now, I could be more specific, but if you have any particular areas in which you would like to discuss, I should be glad to answer such questions as you may propound.

CATES: Senator Ellender that was a very good opening statement on your part. I would like to get back to the area of the filibuster you gave a very good 00:10:00example there when the General came to you twice and suggested that you might quit your particular speech which was nearing a record. Do you have any other such stories that you could relate about the many filibusters which you were joined together in that would maybe give a little clearer insight into the man Richard Russell?

ELLENDER: Well, I participated in all of the filibusters that took place from the time I came in the Senate. My first defense was in the early part of 1938 I can well remember at the time that Senator Connally from Texas was our leader. 00:11:00Now, Connally was a very good man, but I think that Russell made us a much better leader in that he took interest in it. He was knowledgeable, and he assigned to us certain chores which, of course, we followed. Now, Senator Russell was very much interested in the subject, as I was, and I'll never forget my first try at filibustering. Tom Connally was, as I said, the chairman, when I first came here, of our Southern caucus or delegation and when we had our first 00:12:00meeting, Connally went around and asked John Bankhead, "How long can you talk?" John said, "Oh, I guess I can talk two hours." "How about you Kenneth McKellar?" "Oh," he said, "I could talk maybe an hour and a half to two and a half hours." Then Dick Russell, "As long as I can." Then he went to Senator (Walter F.) George, and Senator George gave his limit to which he could go on talking, and then the late Theodore Bilbo from Mississippi and when he came to me and asked me how long I could talk, I told him, I said, "I don't know." But I said, "You 00:13:00let the big guns shoot off and let the popgun call come behind and call me last, and I can assure you that I'll talk as long as I can." Well, to make a long story short: In January and February of 1938, when I took the floor, with the able assistance of Senator Russell giving me all sorts of information that he had on the subject, we were talking about poll tax. It was his view as well as mine, as well as all Southerners that the matter of poll tax was a state issue, that the states had the right under the Constitution to define the rights of voters, give their qualifications, and that it was a matter close to us it was close to the colonies, close to all the states, because at that time it was 00:14:00never intended that the Congress should have any right in establishing the qualifications of voters and that is (was) a burning issue at the time. When I assumed the floor I don't know that I could say that I'm proud of it, but I spoke for six successive days from four and a half to ten hours a day in all I spoke about sixty two hours on the same subject, by the way and again at the end of the sixth day, I was asked by Senator Connally who was then our general, if I would give way to Theodore Bilbo. He couldn't hold down Bilbo Bilbo wanted 00:15:00to talk he had a lot of his constituents from Mississippi in the gallery, and I'd held the floor for these six successive days, and Connally said he thought I had talked enough and I should give way to somebody else. Well, I told him, I said, "Tom," I said, "I told you that I didn't know how long I could talk, but I talked for six days so far" of course, there were interruptions between. We talked I was able to obtain the floor from day to day by unanimous consent. Alben Barkley was then the floor leader in the Senate, and I was willing to go on all night if necessary, but Alben decided that it might be best for us to recess at a reasonable time, after anywheres from ten to twelve hours of session in the Senate. I was encouraged by Dick and others to keep on talking, and 00:16:00that's one record that I established, and nobody has ever exceeded up till now. Except for the fact that I got encouragement from a man like Dick Russell and others, chances are that I would not have established that record, but I was proud to do it and Dick, of course, assisted in this, in my efforts, and I was very proud of the fact that I was able, as a neophyte, which is the second year in which I was in the Congress, to hold the Senate floor so long.

CATES: That was quite an accomplishment, Senator. Senator, I understand that when Senator Russell was the leader of the filibuster he divided the senators up 00:17:00into teams and he instructed them to call roll call votes at the most inopportune time. Do you recall any stories along this line?

ELLENDER: Oh, yes. Well, well, I happened to be captain of one of those teams, and we, of course, discussed strategy behind closed doors with Senator Russell as our leader. As a matter of fact, although each team was supposed to retain the floor during twenty four hours, I think that the team, the members of the team got more rest than the members of the Senate, because we made it possible 00:18:00to have the Senate to meet, let's say, at noon, and someone would get up and talk for as many as six or seven or eight hours and then call a roll call. Then we had someone sit for another, talk for another three hours and when we got in the wee hours of the morning, we were able to get much rest because many of our colleagues went home expecting no roll calls, no quorum calls, and sometimes it required as many as three hours to get a sufficient number of senators to come to answer to the roll call. The strategy was to call, have these roll calls when 00:19:00our colleagues who were in opposition to us were very anxious to sleep. By conducting the filibuster in that manner, it wasn't long that the leadership decided not to have night sessions, and of course, that in a way injured to our benefit. All of these tactics were worked out by a general who was Russell and his captains we were four teams: Lister Hill was captain of one (John Cornelius) Stennis was another I was one and off and on, (John Little) McClellan was and others. We had two -we had four very potent teams there that 00:20:00had a membership on each team of the captain and four or five senators, and of course, we helped each other, and it was a very effective way of carrying on the filibuster so much so that we were able to wear out our opponents even though they didn't have to talk. They became very weary and, of course, succumbed to our request that it was bad for their health for them to have to get up in the wee hours of the morning to come to listen to us. We had it so arranged that, for instance, with my team, nobody knew where any member of our team was except 00:21:00the captain, and when a quorum call was asked by one of the opponents, we saw to it that none of our members were there to make up the quorum call, and sometimes it lengthened the quorum. At one time, I think, we had to actually not one time, but many times had to adjourn without being able to complete the quorum, and that meant quite a lot of time in our favor. We had a magnificent opportunity to rest, whereas our oppressors were busy trying to find out who, 00:22:00where the opponents were so as to come in and make up a quorum. But the strategy that we employed was very effective and we soon got on top of the question, and I feel confident that we could have kept this pace up except for the fact that in 1954 the Supreme Court, instead of passing on the merits of an existing law, actually made law, and it took the problem away from us. From 1954 and on, we had great opportunities to keep on filibustering, but it was not as effective as 00:23:00it was in the early days when the Southerners were able to conduct these filibusters and prevent action, which in our mind, or it was our feeling, was directly against the Constitution. Now, when I first came to Washington we had from forty to as many as forty six senators that we could depend on, that would stick with us in not voting for cloture, but later on our ranks began to grow thin, particularly after the Supreme Court decision. Out of a membership of ninety six we could hardly muster more than twenty five to twenty six, sometimes 00:24:00twenty eight and then after the Congress increased its membership, or the membership of the Congress increased to a hundred, we were not able to obtain the sufficient one third plus one in order to prevent cloture, and of course, it was a sad day in our history when that happened.

CATES: Senator Ellender, these opposing senators were only human do you know of any animosity that was built up towards the Southern senators and more particular to the leader, Senator Russell, because of these tactics?

ELLENDER: No, indeed, I think on the contrary most of them admired us for our ability to sustain ourselves during all these long hours and for our ability to 00:25:00be able to present to the country most, very historic facts about, on the question. We had some mighty good students in the Senate at the time, and of course, one of the main ones was Senator Russell. I personally did a lot of research that was used on the Senate floor, and Senator Russell was mighty quick in acknowledging the discovery of new matters and on several occasions, I had a mighty good administrative assistant here who was a good student, and he found 00:26:00many points of interest that other senators had not thought of, and we went back in history and the record is replete with fine instances of where we were able to show a lot of hypocrisy among those who opposed us. In any event, all of these various conflicts we had between us in the feuding, South and the North, I don't know of any man who really and truly hated us for it on the contrary, they thought we were right, but they didn't have the courage to vote their 00:27:00convictions, and it is my belief that all of the, all of our colleagues from the North admired all of us, particularly Senator Russell for his able and capable leadership.

CATES: Thirty eight years is a long time for anyone to remain in the Senate as Senator Russell did did you ever see him or hear about him ever losing his temper or his cool, so to speak, in any Senate debate, not just the filibuster, but anything that especially might have been an emotionally charged issue?

ELLENDER: Well, I can't say that he didn't lose his temper on two or three occasions, particularly when in debate when people crossed swords with him and 00:28:00taunted him and just argued that he didn't know too much what he was talking about, but I never saw Senator Russell really mad at anybody. He got ruffled up sometimes at the ignorance shown by some of our Northern friends, but he was just as cool as a cucumber at all times, and he kept his head, and that's what made him so effective in debate with our opponents. On parliamentary issues he was always right nobody dared to say, Well, Dick, you're wrong. He knew what he 00:29:00was talking about at all times, but of course, that in itself caused many of our colleagues to have faith in him and he had quite a following, not only among the Democrats, but many of the Republicans loved him because of his tenacity and his ability. As a matter of fact, one of the senators there, Senator (Milton Ruben) Young from North Dakota made many statements on the floor that he thought Dick Russell should be President of the United States and that insofar as he was concerned, whether they defeated him or not in North Dakota, he would support him if he'd ever run for president, or was nominated. But Dick, of course, was a 00:30:00great man, and I think he would have made an excellent president, but we from the South knew all the way that a Southerner had little chance of getting the nomination from the Democratic party because, I believe, of our attitude against the blacks. Now, I'm glad that Dick Russell lived to see that the South was right in its advocacy of states rights. Today our country's in an awful shape I can well see the difference that now exists between the whites and the blacks it's- they seem to that is, the Negroes seem to hate the South, the whites, but 00:31:00when all is well and done, they always come to us the Southerners as their best friends. (Begin Cassette #203, Side 2) I'm truly sorry and I know that Senator Russell was very sorry about learning that the tragedy that followed after the Supreme Court decision. He knew that the best friends that the blacks had were the Southerners, there was no question about that, and he felt as I did, that if this question had been left to the states where it belonged that the blacks 00:32:00would have doubtless fared better. Today, in many areas the blacks are hated, particularly in the North and we in the South still love them, and we work with them. Among other things, that's one thing that Senator Russell hated to see, and that is, this division among the between the Negroes and the blacks (whites), and all of this was caused more or less through politics. The North, the Northern politician was trying to get the Negro on his side by pretending to 00:33:00help him, but instead, the tragedy of all of this was that the Negroes are the victims of all of this. I feel confident that had this gone on as we intended that the Negro would have gotten his voting rights the same as everybody else I know we did it in Louisiana Dick was conscious of that. But to destroy the Constitution, that is, do things that were contrary to that sacred document was what he tried to preserve, and in order to give liberty to some, there was no doubt in his mind and my mind that it would take it away from others, and it's a 00:34:00great pity it happened, and I feel confident that the relationship between the North and the South, as well as the blacks and the whites, would have been more highly respected had we followed the views of Southerners. I'm sure that Dick Russell tried to preserve our Constitution more than any man in the Senate. He had no animosity against colored people on the contrary, he tried to help them all that he could. He fought valiantly for what he thought was right, and I'm proud of the fact that I was one of his backers.

CATES: Senator Ellender, you mentioned specifically Senator Young I have interviewed Senator Young, and he was telling me that he was almost read out of 00:35:00the party because of his actions there. My question now is this, not so much in connection with anyone supporting him as president, but did Senator Russell actively try to promote this coalition between the southern Democrats and the midwestern and western Republicans? What part did he play in that did he play an active part?

ELLENDER: Well, of course, he felt that our only hope was this coalition of midwesterners, that we could get enough support in that area with the South to cope with the situation, but it soon became apparent that that wasn't in the works, and he lost interest in it as I did when we saw some of the 00:36:00midwesterners just as liberal as the northeasterners. We had good friends at the beginning of our fight, but gradually we lost out as I have previously stated.

CATES: Senator, I know that your activities have taken you around the world seven times by air and you've visited all the countries except Albania was this in connection with your Appropriations Committee activities?

CATES: Did Senator Russell discuss with you, or you with him, these various trips?

ELLENDER: Well, when he was chairman of the committee and on the committee, of course, I had to obtain permission from the leadership to travel around, as I did, and Dick Russell was very much interested in what I did and he urged me to 00:37:00keep on this work, because I felt that any information that I could gather on these world tours were very beneficial to the Appropriations Committee of which he was a ranking member then, and he took a great deal of interest in the work that I did. As you stated, I've made seven complete circles of the world, and my objective was to visit every area in order to determine how our moneys were being spent, particularly in this foreign aid program. Fortunately, Senator Russell and I saw eye to eye in this foreign aid program, and we consistently 00:38:00voted against it after the European recovery. It will be recalled that so called Marshall Plan it was originated back in 1947, when General (George Catlett) Marshall made that famous talk at Harvard. I felt then, as I felt until 1951, that it was a good idea for us to assist countries that agreed to help themselves, but it wasn't long that we found out that what many of our erstwhile friends wanted was assistance without a return of help for themselves.

All of these trips that I made were easily studied, that is my reports, by 00:39:00Senator Russell,

and we had a lot of discussion about them and in the archives of the Capitol here as well as in the, every federally owned or operated library in the country all of them have copies of my fourteen reports that I made on my visits, particularly the one to Africa wherein I pointed up to the fact that I thought that we shouldn't interfere with the Africans until they were capable of conducting themselves properly that is, get proper leadership so as to conduct themselves in their various countries to the point where they could create and 00:40:00establish good government. I don't know of a report that I made that caused more worldwide attention than my report on Africa when I pointed out the situation, and the very predictions that I made in this report- which were agreed to by the late Senator Russell, and he coordinated his efforts with me on it where we pointed up, pointed out to the fact that there was such, there was hardly any leadership in Africa and for them to be left alone without proper leadership would lead to chaos, and that's what happened. Everything that I predicted in this particular report came to pass. For instance, this in Nigeria, I couldn't 00:41:00see the creation there of a situation where all of the inhabitants of Nigeria would consider themselves Nigerians. I said that there were many powerful tribes there the Ebos, the Fulanis, and others that they would try to lead the way and that just the British had tried to, many years, to try and get them together, try to make themselves think as Nigerians, had never succeeded, and we couldn't do that. I don't know of a report I made in which Senator Russell took more interest in, because it proved all that they had been talking about in these filibusters about the capability of the blacks. Of course, in my book, I think that blacks under proper guidance can make good citizens, they can make 00:42:00advancements in government, in science, in agriculture, in every phase of our way of life, but there must be a beginning in it and what we were trying to establish was just that, given the opportunity, as much as I was criticized as well as Senator Russell for taking issue on the black question, yet we felt that all people, whether they are black, white, or yellow, should be given the same opportunities to exhibit their talents, to proceed and make a good living if they had the capability to carry on. I know that that was his views as well as mine it's still my views we never tried to stop or prevent the blacks from 00:43:00engaging in any endeavor in any phase of our economy provided they had the capabilities. We did all we could in order to create an atmosphere wherein they could learn, wherein they could become leaders. If our advice had been followed, I repeat, I'm sure that the relationship between the blacks and the Negro, and the whites would be much, much better than it is now.

CATES: Senator Ellender, you talking about Africa and the capabilities of the blacks reminds me of something and I know we have a very limited time and it's really interesting talking with you, sir and this is Senator Russell's proposal 00:44:00to subsidize sending the blacks to Africa if they wanted to. I'm not sure of the date was that in the late forties or the early fifties? Did he ever comment to you about this?

ELLENDER: Oh, yes. Oh ja. He made that statement more or less to induce, as you said, those who desired to go. He didn't want to force them to go--but if you don't like America as it is, go back to Africa, and we'll pay your way there and develop your country but there were no takers. The blacks in America made wonderful progress compared to their ancestors and that's what made my report on Africa so interesting to Russell and others, because what I found there was the very thing we were talking about. Here was a huge continent that contained at 00:45:00the time as I recall over two hundred and fifty million inhabitants and there was little progress made in Africa except in the northern part where the Carthaginians and the Spaniards and the Romans and the Greeks came, and southern Africa where the Germans came and the Dutch came and developed the country. But insofar as central Africa was concerned, that is the entire torrid zone and parts of the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, where the main body of the blacks lived, it's incredible what I saw there as late as 1962 when I made my trip there. There was no leadership of any kind. They lived then as they lived five 00:46:00hundred years ago, and it is my belief as well as Senator Russell's that those people should be helped so long as the help given was aimed at having them help themselves, but somehow it never took root. It preferred to remain as it was. There was little way, there was little effort made by them to become progressive, become leaders. Whenever, as I pointed out in my report, some of the leaders made good but they were chopped off and killed and murdered by others who I don't know whether they were envious of them or not, but they didn't seem to like to see some of their comrades go forth and go ahead and try 00:47:00to develop the country. It is only where the leaders in Europe who came to develop Africa was where you saw quite a bit of progress, but personally, as I said in my report, I never saw any in any part of tropical Africa where the bulk of the Negroes lived, where it could be shown that a community was constructed by these people by the use of brick and mortar, nor did I find any area where they developed an economy of their own. And all that was true. Wherever you saw progress, you could trace it back to Europeans coming there to assist in leading the way, but insofar as actual progress was made by the Africans on their own, 00:48:00there was little of that done and what we wanted to do was to try to develop that so that they could make better people of themselves, and wherever they showed leadership, of course, the opportunity was afforded to them to go forward.

CATES: Senator, Senator Russell was much misunderstood and much criticized because of this suggestion, was he not?

ELLENDER: All of us were, because they were blinded they were biased they didn't give it thought they were you know, I, since then I've been doing legislative work now for many, many years twelve years in the Louisiana legislature, and now thirty five here, and I hope to run again in 1972 and if I do run in 1972, I will have been a member of the Senate longer than any man in history, and I'm shooting for that goal now.

ELLENDER: Thank you, sir. We were criticized by a lot of people who didn't know what they were talking about. What we were trying to do was to create a better 00:49:00atmosphere between the whites and the blacks we were willing and we were working hard to give the Negro an opportunity to go forward in keeping with his capabilities, and we were willing to train him. We were willing to there was no effort made in my state, I know, nor in Georgia, to prevent the Negroes from going to colleges. It was open to them. Now, of course, you might have had a few hardheads that prevented it, but as a general rule, they were taken in colleges and given an opportunity to better themselves. And of course, that's what we were after, and that was our idea. But to make it possible for them to become leaders without the capabilities was where we drew the line.

CATES: Senator, I don't know if you saw this on television this week, but 00:50:00Senator George Aiken was on television during the committee hearing, and I believe it was in connection with the peace demonstrations. And he lost his cool, so to speak, and used one word of profanity and told the witness, "If you don't like it in America, get out of America nobody's trying to keep you here."

CATES: That might be a small analogy between the two of them no one is required to stay in this country, and if they can leave, they ought to leave if they want to leave.

ELLENDER: That's exactly right and that's why Senator Russell decided to create that haven for them in Liberia, or any part of Africa. But the trouble was that no people would listen to that. You know, whenever you permit politics to guide your mind or your ways or your to guide you when you're in a legislative body, you seem to lose your sense of reason. You try to do things to please various 00:51:00people, and whenever any man in Congress or in any legislative body loses his sense of reason because of being pressed to do this, that, and the other, he's bound to make bad judgments and he's bound to act contrary to what he should. We've got a lot of pressure groups here in America, and as far as I'm concerned, I try to use my own judgment, and any time that I can't do that, I don't want to be in the Senate. I've tried, as well as Senator Russell, to do the best I could to represent our people and I'm sure that that was foremost in Senator Russell's mind it was not that he was against the blacks. I'm not against the black people at all, and I want to give them all opportunity to show them, to 00:52:00become capable and not deny them the right to do any kind of work if they show capability.

CATES: Senator, I know there are many questions I could ask you. You have a meeting in about two minutes you said at ten o'clock. I would like to ask you this one final question: What do you consider Senator Russell's most outstanding personality trait?

ELLENDER: Well, he had a lot of patience he was a great leader, and he prepared himself for that leadership he was a good student. Of course, in the last few years of his time on earth, he was very ill but still, sick as he was, he 00:53:00retained that coolness and that type of leadership that made of him one of the leading senators in our country.

CATES: Do you think that he-- (phone rings, taping stopped and started again)

Senator, no one should know better than yourself the duties of the President pro tem(pore) of the Senate since you are presently President pro tem(pore). Do you think Senator Russell's health prevented him in filling the job as it should have been filled?

ELLENDER: I do. Well, of course, he did what he could, you see, but he was so ill that he couldn't do justice to it, particularly in the last year, I would say last six months of his existence. But he did the best he could, and under trying circumstances. He was unable to attend to his duties on the 00:54:00Appropriations Committee because that's very strenuous, and I was proud to be able to substitute for him.

CATES: That's the reason I asked you the question, because I knew that you had to substitute maybe the last six months.

ELLENDER: Well, not only that, in fact, the whole year, and I handled the Appropriations bill. He held practically all the hearings, and I was there, and in the 1960 two years ago was the first time when I got the notice only a half hour before the bill came up for consideration. He got me on the line and said, "Allen'" he said, "I can't make it won't you take over?" And I did. And that's when I realized how sick Dick Russell was. And that was in 1969--

ELLENDER: From there on, of course, he got me to take charge. He was a very sick man, but with all of that illness, knowing that he was going to die because of 00:55:00this emphysema he had, he was still much interested in his work and did the best he could in--through proper guidance. And I got a lot of I talked to him quite often, and of course, I was eager to follow his instructions as to what was best to do, particularly on the Appropriations Committee.

CATES: Senator Ellender, I want to thank you on behalf of the University of Georgia and the Richard Russell Foundation for a very excellent interview on your part.

ELLENDER: Well, thank you. I wish I could give you more time because I have many more instances that come to my mind to relate to you.


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About Allen J. Ellender, U.S. Senator

Allen Joseph Ellender (September 24, 1890 - July 27, 1972) was a popular U.S. senator from Houma, Louisiana (Terrebonne Parish), who served from 1937 until his death. He was a Democrat who was originally allied with the legendary Huey Pierce Long, Jr.. As Senator he compiled a generally conservative record, voting 77% of the time with the Conservative Coalition on domestic issues. He was not a "hawk" in foreign policy and opposed the Vietnam War.

Ellender was born in the town of Montegut in Terrebonne Parish. He attended public and private schools and graduated from the Catholic St. Aloysius College in New Orleans, now Brother Martin High School, in 1909. He studied law at Tulane University in New Orleans. Admitted to the bar in 1913, he launched his practice in Houma when he was twenty-three.

Ellender was the city attorney of Houma from 1913� and then district attorney of Terrebonne Parish from 1915-1916. He was a sergeant in the Artillery Corps during World War I, serving from 1917-1918.

Ellender was a delegate to the Louisiana constitutional convention in 1921. The constitution produced by that body was retired in 1974, two years after Ellender's death. He served in the Louisiana House of Representatives from 1924�, serving as floor leader from 1928� and Speaker from 1932�, when he was elected to the U.S. Senate. He took the seat held by Long and slated for the Democratic nominee, Oscar Kelly Allen, Sr., of Winnfield, the seat of the Longs' home parish of Winn. Allen had won the Democratic nomination by a plurality exceeding 200,000 votes, but he died shortly thereafter. His passing paved the way for Ellender's election. Lorris M. Wimberly of Arcadia in Bienville Parish, meanwhile, succeeded Ellender as House Speaker. Wimberly was the choice of Governor Richard Webster Leche and thereafter Lieutenant Governor Earl Kemp Long, who succeeded Leche to the governorship.

Ellender was President pro tempore of the U.S. Senate from 1971�, an honorific position that denoted he was the most senior Democrat. He served as the powerful chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee from 1951 to 1953 and 1955 to 1971, through which capacity he was a strong defender of sugar cane interests. He chaired the even more powerful Senate Appropriations Committee from 1971 until his death.

Ellender was an opponent of Republican Senator Joe McCarthy.

Ellender was also, along with his Southern Democratic colleagues, a strong opponent of federal civil rights legislation. However he supported some state legislation sought by civil rights groups, such as repeal of the state poll tax by the Louisiana legislature. He was the leading sponsor of the federal free lunch program, which was enacted in 1945 and still is in effect it was a welfare program that helped poor students, black and white alike.

Ellender sticks with Truman, 1948

Ellender rarely had serious opposition for his Senate seat. In his initial election in 1936, Ellender defeated Fourth District Congressman John N. Sandlin of Minden, the seat of Webster Parish in northwest Louisiana, in the Democratic primary, 364,931 (68 percent) to 167,471 (31.2 percent). There was no Republican opposition.

Ellender was steadfastly loyal to all Democratic presidential nominees and refused to support then Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina for president in 1948, when Thurmond, the States Rights Party nominee was also the official Democratic nominee in Louisiana and three other southern states. Ellender supported Harry Truman, whose name was placed on the ballot only after Governor Earl Kemp Long called a special session of the legislature to place the president's name on the ballot. "As a Democratic nominee, I am pledged to support the candidate of my party, and that I will do," declared Ellender, though he could have argued that Thurmond, not Truman, was technically the "Democratic nominee" in Louisiana.

A rare Republican challenge, 1960

In 1954, Ellender defeated fellow Democrat Frank Burton Ellis, a former state senator from St. Tammany Parish and later a short term U.S. District Court judge, in the party primary, 268,054 (59.1 percent) to 162,775 (35.9 percent), with 4 percent for minor candidates. He faced no Republican opposition.[9]

In 1960, however, Ellender was challenged by the then Republican National Committeeman George W. Reese, Jr., a New Orleans lawyer (born 1924). (Ellender himself had been his party's national committeeman from 1939-1940.) Reese had also previously twice opposed conservative Democratic Congressman Felix Edward Hebert of New Orleans—in the 1952 and again in the 1954 general elections. Reese accused Ellender, who was known for his hostility to Senator Joseph McCarthy, of being "soft on communism". Ellender retorted that Reese's allegation came with "ill grace for the spokesman for the member of a party which has permitted the establishment of a Red-dominated beach head only ninety miles from our shores to attack my record against the spread of communism."

Ellender crushed Reese's hopes of making a respectable showing: he polled 432,228 (79.8 percent) to Reese's 109,698 (20.2 percent). Reese's best performance was in two parishes which voted for Richard Nixon, La Salle Parish (Jena) and Ouachita Parish (Monroe), where he drew less than a third of the ballots�.3 percent in each. In Caddo Parish (Shreveport), Reese finished with 30 percent. Reese was only the third Republican since the Seventeenth Amendment was ratified even to seek a U.S. Senate seat from Louisiana. Ellender ran 24,889 votes ahead of the John F. Kennedy-Lyndon Johnson ticket, but 265,965 votes cast in the presidential race ignored the Senate contest, a phenomenon that would later be called an "undervote."

In 1966, Ellender disposed of two weak primary opponents, including the liberal State Senator J.D. DeBlieux (pronounced "W") of Baton Rouge (1912�) and the conservative businessman Troyce Guice (1932�), a native of St. Joseph, the seat of Tensas Parish, who then resided in Ferriday, and later in Natchez, Mississippi. The Republicans did not field a candidate against Ellender that year.

Ellender cultivated good relationships with the media, whose coverage of his tenure helped him to fend off serious competition. One of his newspaper favorites was Adras LaBorde, longtime managing editor of Alexandria Daily Town Talk. The two "Cajuns" even shared fish stories on many occasions.

In 1972, the Democratic gubernatorial runner-up from December 1971, former state senator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., of Shreveport challenged Ellender for renomination. Ellender was expected to defeat Johnston, but the veteran senator died during the primary campaign and left Johnston the de facto Democratic nominee. Nearly 10 percent of Democratic voters, however, voted for the deceased Ellender. Johnston became the Democratic nominee in a manner somewhat reminiscent of how Ellender had won the Senate seat in 1936 after the death of Governor Allen. Johnston then easily defeated the Republican candidate, Ben C. Toledano, a prominent attorney from New Orleans who later became a conservative columnist, and former Governor John McKeithen, a Democrat running as an independent in the general election because it had not been possible to qualify for the primary ballot after Ellender's death.

Ellender's immediate successor was Elaine S. Edwards, first wife of Governor Edwin Edwards, who filled his seat from August 1, 1972 to November 13, 1972.

Remembering Senator Ellender

In the Senate, Ellender was known by his colleagues for Cajun cooking from roast duck to shrimp jambalaya. Even as of 2009 the Senate Dining Room still served "Ellender Gumbo."

Ellender Memorial High School in Houma and Allen Ellender Middle School in Marrero are named in his honor.

In 1994, Ellender was inducted posthumously into the Louisiana Political Museum and Hall of Fame in Winnfield.

The Allen J. Ellender Memorial Library on the campus of Nicholls State University is named after him.


Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana: A Biography

Allen J. Ellender, born in 1890 on a sugar plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, rose to become one of the most dominant men in the U.S. Senate. This biography, based on prolonged examination of the voluminous Ellender Papers and extensive research in other primary and secondary sources, including interviews with people who knew Ellender during various stages of his Allen J. Ellender, born in 1890 on a sugar plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, rose to become one of the most dominant men in the U.S. Senate. This biography, based on prolonged examination of the voluminous Ellender Papers and extensive research in other primary and secondary sources, including interviews with people who knew Ellender during various stages of his lengthy career, makes an important contribution to our understanding of Louisiana and national politics during much of this century.

Ellender began life in a farm family and never lost his close ties to rural Louisiana. Still, he sought a career as a lawyer and served as city attorney and district attorney before being elected to the Louisiana state legislature in 1924. Originally an opponent of Huey Long, Ellender converted to Longism after Huey was elected governor in 1928. But because he refused to condone questionable oil-leasing practices on state lands, he was bypassed as Long's state political heir in the thirties. He was elected instead to the U.S. Senate, where he served until his death in 1972.

In Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana, Thomas A. Becnel methodically traces the extended career of this contradictory politician--a man who, though essentially a conservative, was surprisingly liberal on many issues. He supported progressive legislation in areas such as education, public housing, censorship, and the separation of church and state. He was also one of the first senators to criticize his colleague Joseph McCarthy. Yet throughout his career he remained a staunch advocate of racial segregation.

During Ellender's long tenure in the Senate, in which he served under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, through the Great Depression, World War II, the Cold War, McCarthyism, the Korean conflict, the civil rights movement, and the Vietnam War, he was intimately involved in decisions and debates that have shaped the recent history of the country. Becnel astutely places Ellender in the context of the history of his time and the social, economic, and political milieu of his state. The result is a careful, balanced portrait of one of the most influential legislators of this century. . mehr


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